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Rabe wrote that, from time to time, the Japanese would enter the Safety Zone at will, carry off a few hundred men and women, and either summarily execute them or rape and then kill them.

By February 5, , the International Committee had forwarded to the Japanese embassy a total of cases of murder, rape, and general disorder by Japanese soldiers that had been reported after the American, British and German diplomats had returned to their embassies: [86].

It is said that Rabe rescued between , and , Chinese people. Jonathan Spence writes: [89]. The Japanese soldiers, who had expected easy victory, instead had been fighting hard for months and had taken infinitely higher casualties than anticipated.

They were bored, angry, frustrated, tired. The Chinese women were undefended, their menfolk powerless or absent. The war, still undeclared, had no clear-cut goal or purpose.

Perhaps all Chinese, regardless of sex or age, seemed marked out as victims. A picture of a dead child. Probably taken by Bernhard Sindberg.

Prisoners being buried alive [90]. On December 18, , as General Iwane Matsui began to comprehend the full extent of the rape, murder, and looting in the city, he grew increasingly dismayed.

He reportedly told one of his civilian aides:. I now realize that we have unknowingly wrought a most grievous effect on this city. When I think of the feelings and sentiments of many of my Chinese friends who have fled from Nanjing and of the future of the two countries, I cannot but feel depressed.

I am very lonely and can never get in a mood to rejoice about this victory. Now, in the winter, the season gives time to reflect.

I offer my sympathy, with deep emotion, to a million innocent people. On New Year's Day, over a toast he confided to a Japanese diplomat: "My men have done something very wrong and extremely regrettable.

In late January , the Japanese army forced all refugees in the Safety Zone to return home, immediately claiming to have "restored order".

After the establishment of the weixin zhengfu the collaborating government in , order was gradually restored in Nanjing and atrocities by Japanese troops lessened considerably.

The last refugee camps were closed in May Matsui returned to retirement, but Prince Asaka remained on the Supreme War Council until the end of the war in August He was promoted to the rank of general in August , though he held no further military commands.

Estimates of the number of victims vary based on the definitions of the geographical range and the duration of the event.

The extent of the atrocities is debated, [68] with numbers ranging from some Japanese claims of several hundred, [69] to the Chinese claim of a non-combatant death toll of , Hiroshi Yoshida concludes "more than ," in his book.

Mainstream scholars consider figures from 40, to over , to be an accurate estimate. According to the International Military Tribunal for the Far East , estimates made at a later date indicate that the total number of civilians and prisoners of war murdered in Nanjing and its vicinity during the first six weeks of the Japanese occupation was up to , These estimates are borne out by the figures of burial societies and other organizations, which testify to over , buried bodies.

These figures also do not take into account those persons whose bodies were destroyed by burning, drowning or other means, or whose bodies were interred in mass graves.

According to the verdict of the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal on 10 March , there are "more than , mass slaughtered civilians and Chinese soldiers killed by machine gun by the Japanese army, whose corpses have been burned to destroy proof.

Besides, we count more than , victims of barbarian acts buried by the charity organizations. We thus have a total of more than , victims. Some researchers estimate that between 40, and 60, people were killed, which corresponds to the figures from three sources; one is the Red Army's official journal of the time, Hangdibao and another is that of Miner Searle Bates of the International Safety Zone Committee, and the third is the aforementioned figure written by John Rabe in a letter.

Moreover, many troops of captured Chinese soldiers were led out of the city and down to the Yangtze, where they were summarily executed.

But, as noted, no one actually counted the dead. The casualty count of , was first promulgated in January by Harold Timperley , a journalist in China during the Japanese invasion, based on reports from contemporary eyewitnesses.

In December , newly declassified U. According to the archives research "The telegrams sent by the U. In the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee meeting, scholars from the Japanese side set the maximum possible number of civilian victims at ,, with estimates of around 40, or 20, The Chinese scholars of the committee maintained that at least , were killed.

The most conservative viewpoint is that the geographical area of the incident should be limited to the few km 2 of the city known as the Safety Zone, where the civilians gathered after the invasion.

Many Japanese historians have insisted that during the Japanese invasion there were only ,—, citizens in Nanjing as reported by John Rabe, to argue that the PRC's estimate of , deaths is an exaggeration.

Many historians include a much larger area around the city. The duration of the incident is naturally defined by its geography: the earlier the Japanese entered the area, the longer the duration.

The Battle of Nanking ended on December 13, when the divisions of the Japanese Army entered the walled city of Nanjing. The Tokyo War Crime Tribunal defined the period of the massacre to the ensuing six weeks.

More conservative estimates say that the massacre started on December 14, when the troops entered the Safety Zone, and that it lasted for six weeks.

Historians who define the Nanjing Massacre as having started from the time that the Japanese Army entered Jiangsu province push the beginning of the massacre to around mid-November to early December Suzhou fell on November 19 , and stretch the end of the massacre to late March To many Japanese scholars, post-war estimations were distorted by " victor's justice ", when Japan was condemned as the sole aggressor.

They believed the , toll typified a "Chinese-style exaggeration" with disregard for evidence. Yet, in China, this figure has come to symbolize the justice, legality, and authority of the post-war trials condemning Japan as the aggressor.

Japanese historians, depending on their definition of the geographical and time duration of the killings, give wide-ranging estimates for the number of massacred civilians, from several thousand to upwards of , Chinese language newspapers tend to claim that the massacred civilians and unarmed soldiers may be as high as , Japanese sources assert that there was a population of only , in Nanjing, thus making the , death toll impossible.

In , Zhang Lianhong, professor of Nanjing Massacre Research Center in Nanjing Normal University, published an article in the Beijing Daily in which he used historical facts to show that the population of Nanjing urban area was between , and ,, and the overall Nanjing population was between , and ,, to refute the assertion of a population of , Shortly after the surrender of Japan, the primary officers in charge of the Japanese troops at Nanjing were put on trial.

General Matsui was indicted before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East for "deliberately and recklessly" ignoring his legal duty "to take adequate steps to secure the observance and prevent breaches" of the Hague Convention.

Other Japanese military leaders in charge at the time of the Nanjing Massacre were not tried. Prince Kan'in Kotohito , chief of staff of the Imperial Japanese Army during the massacre, had died before the end of the war in May Prince Asaka was granted immunity because of his status as a member of the imperial family.

General Iwane Matsui []. General Hisao Tani []. On May 1, , SCAP officials interrogated Prince Asaka , who was the ranking officer in the city at the height of the atrocities, about his involvement in the Nanjing Massacre and the deposition was submitted to the International Prosecution Section of the Tokyo tribunal.

Asaka denied the existence of any massacre and claimed never to have received complaints about the conduct of his troops.

The prosecution began the Nanjing phase of its case in July Robert O. Wilson , a surgeon and a member of the International Committee for the Nanjing Safety Zone, took the witness stand first.

George A. Fitch , Lewis S. Smythe , and James McCallum filed affidavits with their diaries and letters.

Another piece of evidence that was submitted to the tribunal was Harold Timperley's telegram regarding the Nanjing Massacre which had been intercepted and decoded by the Americans on January 17, The entry for the same day in Matsui's diary read, "I could only feel sadness and responsibility today, which has been overwhelmingly piercing my heart.

This is caused by the Army's misbehaviors after the fall of Nanjing and failure to proceed with the autonomous government and other political plans.

Matsui asserted that he had never ordered the execution of Chinese POWs. He further argued that he had directed his army division commanders to discipline their troops for criminal acts, and was not responsible for their failure to carry out his directives.

At trial, Matsui went out of his way to protect Prince Asaka by shifting blame to lower ranking division commanders.

Matsui was convicted by a majority of the judges at the Tokyo tribunal who ruled that he bore ultimate responsibility for the "orgy of crime" at Nanjing because, "He did nothing, or nothing effective, to abate these horrors.

Organized and wholesale murder of male civilians was conducted with the apparent sanction of the commanders on the pretext that Chinese soldiers had removed their uniforms and were mingling with the population.

Groups of Chinese civilians were formed, bound with their hands behind their backs, and marched outside the walls of the city where they were killed in groups by machine gun fire and with bayonets.

On November 12, , Matsui and Hirota, along with five other convicted Class-A war criminals, were sentenced to death by hanging.

Eighteen others received lesser sentences. The death sentence imposed on Hirota, a six-to-five decision by the eleven judges, shocked the general public and prompted a petition on his behalf, which soon gathered over , signatures but did not succeed in commuting the Minister's sentence.

China and Japan have both acknowledged the occurrence of wartime atrocities. Before the s , China did relatively little to draw attention to the Nanjing massacre.

In her book Rape of Nanking, Iris Chang asserted that the politics of the Cold War encouraged Chairman Mao to stay relatively silent about Nanjing in order to keep a trade relationship with Japan.

The debate concerning the massacre took place mainly in the s. During this time, the Chinese government's statements about the event were attacked by the Japanese because they were said to rely too heavily on personal testimonies and anecdotal evidence.

Aspersions were cast regarding the authenticity and accuracy of burial records and photographs presented in the Tokyo War Crime Court, which the Japanese government claimed were fabrications by the Chinese government, artificially manipulated or incorrectly attributed to the Nanjing Massacre.

In response, Shichihei Yamamoto [] and Akira Suzuki [] wrote two controversial yet influential articles [ clarification needed ] which sparked the Japanese Negationist movement.

In , in an attempt to refute the allegations of war crimes in Nanjing, the Japanese Army Veterans Association Kaikosha interviewed former Japanese soldiers who had served in the Nanjing area from to Instead of refuting the allegations, the interviewed veterans confirmed that a massacre had taken place and openly described and admitted to taking part in the atrocities.

The results of the survey were published in the association's magazine, Kaiko , in along with an admission and apology that read, "Whatever the severity of war or special circumstances of war psychology, we just lose words faced with this mass illegal killing.

As those who are related to the prewar military, we simply apologize deeply to the people of China. It was truly a regrettable act of barbarity. On August 15, , the fiftieth anniversary of the Surrender of Japan , the Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama gave the first formal apology for Japanese actions during the war.

He offered his apology to all survivors and to the relatives and friends of the victims. That day, the prime minister and the Japanese Emperor Akihito pronounced statements of mourning at Tokyo's Nippon Budokan.

Iris Chang , author of The Rape of Nanking , criticized Murayama for not providing the written apology that had been expected. She said that the people of China "don't believe that an On June 19, , a group of around Liberal Democratic Party LDP lawmakers again denounced the Nanjing Massacre as a fabrication, arguing that there was no evidence to prove the allegations of mass killings by Japanese soldiers.

They accused Beijing of using the alleged incident as a "political advertisement". On February 20, , Takashi Kawamura , mayor of Nagoya , told a visiting delegation from Nanjing that the massacre "probably never happened".

Two days later he defended his remarks, saying, "Even since I was a national Diet representative, I have said [repeatedly] there was no [Nanjing] massacre that resulted in murders of several hundred thousands of people.

On February 24, , Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara said that he also believes that the Nanjing massacre never happened.

He reportedly claims it would have been impossible to kill so many people in such a short period of time.

On February 3, , Naoki Hyakuta , a member of the board of governors of Japan's public broadcasting company, NHK , was quoted as saying the massacre never occurred.

The memory of the Nanjing Massacre has been a point of contention in Sino-Japanese relations since the early s. Despite this, many Chinese people still have a strong sense of mistrust and animosity toward Japan that originates from the memory of Japanese war crimes such as the Nanjing Massacre.

This sense of mistrust is strengthened by the belief that Japan is unwilling to admit to and apologize for the atrocities.

Takashi Yoshida described how changing political concerns and perceptions of the "national interest" in Japan, China, and the U. Yoshida contended that over time the event has acquired different meanings to different people.

People from mainland China saw themselves as the victims. For Japan, it was a question they needed to answer, but were reluctant to do so because they too identified themselves as victims after the A-bombs.

The U. Yoshida has argued that the Nanjing Massacre has figured in the attempts of all three nations as they work to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

Many Japanese prime ministers have visited the Yasukuni Shrine , a shrine for Japanese war deaths up until the end of the Second World War, which includes war criminals that were involved in the Nanjing Massacre.

In the museum adjacent to the shrine, a panel informs visitors that there was no massacre in Nanjing, but that Chinese soldiers in plain clothes were "dealt with severely".

In former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi made a pilgrimage to the shrine despite warnings from China and South Korea. His decision to visit the shrine regardless sparked international outrage.

Although Koizumi denied that he was trying to glorify war or historical Japanese militarism , the Chinese Foreign Ministry accused Koizumi of "wrecking the political foundations of China-Japan relations".

An official from South Korea said they would summon the Tokyo ambassador to protest. Yoshida asserts that "Nanjing has figured in the attempts of all three nations [China, Japan and the United States] to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

In Japan, the Nanjing Massacre touches upon national identity and notions of "pride, honor and shame". Yoshida argues that "Nanking crystallizes a much larger conflict over what should constitute the ideal perception of the nation: Japan, as a nation, acknowledges its past and apologizes for its wartime wrongdoings; or The government of Japan believes it can not be denied that the killing of a large number of noncombatants, looting and other acts by the Japanese army occurred.

However, the actual number of victims is hard to determine, according to government of Japan. According to a brief reference to Nanjing at the Yasukuni museum in Tokyo, the Japanese general in charge gave his men maps showing foreign settlements and a civilian "safety zone", and ordered them to maintain strict military discipline.

The visitor is left to assume they did. The museum notes only that "Chinese soldiers disguised in civilian clothes, which numbered around [49] were severely prosecuted".

This nationalist view does not, however, represent a widely shared understanding of what happened at Nanjing, as illustrated by Japanese textbooks' rather different treatment of the atrocity.

While the books' take on Nanjing is stilted and feels like the product of a committee, in various versions they acknowledge the deaths of thousands of Chinese including women and children, as well as looting, arson and assaults by Japanese soldiers.

They do not mention sexual assaults. In regard to the number of victims of this Nanjing Massacre Another history textbook prepared by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, which had been approved by the government in , attempts to whitewash Japan's war record during the s and early s.

It referred to the Nanjing massacre as an "incident", and glossed over the issue of comfort women. The Nanjing massacre has emerged as one fundamental keystone in the construction of the modern Chinese national identity.

Dockworkers in Australia were horrified at the massacre, and refused to load pig iron onto ships heading for Japan, leading to the Dalfram Dispute of According to Xinhua News Agency , it is the most complete record to date.

It also lists the Japanese army units that were responsible for each of the deaths and states the way in which the victims were killed.

Zhang Xianwen, editor-in-chief of the report, states that the information collected was based on "a combination of Chinese, Japanese and Western raw materials, which is objective and just and is able to stand the trial of history".

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Nanking Massacre. For the Nankin Jiken, see Nanking incident of Episode of mass murder and mass rape committed by Japanese troops against the residents of Nanjing.

Nanjing , China. Culture Economy Education Geography Politics. This section relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page.

Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. Main article: Nanking Safety Zone. Main article: Battle of Nanking.

Main article: Contest to kill people using a sword. Skeletons of the massacre's victims. Main article: Death toll of the Nanjing Massacre. This section does not cite any sources.

Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.

June Learn how and when to remove this template message. A memorial stone at Yanziji in Nanjing, for victims in the Nanjing Massacre.

Further information: Historiography of the Nanjing Massacre. See also: List of war apology statements issued by Japan.

Main article: Nanjing Massacre denial. Main article: Japanese history textbook controversies. This section needs additional citations for verification.

Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. April Learn how and when to remove this template message.

Main category: Nanjing Massacre films. We have surrounded the city of Nanking The Japanese Army shall show no mercy toward those who offer resistance, treating them with extreme severity, but shall harm neither innocent civilians nor Chinese military [personnel] who manifest no hostility.

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Wikimedia Commons. A year-old girl who had been gang-raped and infected with venereal disease by Japanese soldiers during the Nanking Massacre.

Left: A Chinese woman is tied to a pole and forcibly kissed by a Japanese soldier. Right: Elsewhere, a man is left blindfolded and tied up.

An article describing "The Contest To Cut Down People" — a brutal competition in which two Japanese soldiers challenged one another to massacre as many people as possible.

A Chinese man holds his son, who was wounded in a bombing, and begs for help. Dead bodies lay next to Qinhuai River.

Chinese victims being forcibly buried alive during the Rape of Nanking. Dead bodies litter the area as Japanese soldiers push a cart to carry their ill-gotten gains as they loot buildings.

A man kneels down and awaits execution by sword. Japanese schoolgirls, in front of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, Japan, wave their flags to celebrate the Japanese conquest of Nanking.

A Japanese rifleman approaches a Chinese farmer. Soon after this photo was taken, the Chinese farmer was shot dead. Chinese prisoners being used as live target practice for Japanese soldiers trying out their bayonets.

Few -- if any -- of these men were likely spared. A grinning Japanese soldier holds the severed head of a victim in his hand.

A Japanese soldier prepares to publicly behead a young Chinese boy. Dead bodies lie scattered across some steps. Japanese soldiers escort a captured Chinese fighter during the fall of Nanking.

This photo was captured just as a Japanese soldier's sword sliced through the neck of a Chinese prisoner. Young Chinese men with their hands bound together are piled into a truck.

After this photo was taken, the group was driven out to the outskirts of Nanking and killed. Japanese troops massacre Chinese soldiers and civilians along the Yangtze River and burn the dead.

Japanese soldiers drag the dead into the Yangtze River behind a boat. A seemingly endless field of dead bodies lie on the ground in the wake of the Rape of Nanking.

A three-year-old child lies dead on the ground during the Rape of Nanking.

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When daytime outings and excursions come to an end in Hangzhou, its vibrant nightlife takes over. We try to provide free information that is as up-to-date and accurate as possible.

However, if you are planning to travel it's a good idea to double check specific dates and information to avoid surprises.

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Add to Trip! Big Scarlet Big Scarlet is one of the oldest nightclubs in Nanjing. Fuzimiao Night Market The Fuzimiao night market is an excellent place for antiques, inexpensive bags and clothes.

Location : The northern part of the city, inside Xuanwu Gate. How to get there : Bus No. However, an easier way is on the metro until the Xuanwu Lake stop.

Hide Map Show Map. Mao Kong Mao Kong is known for its creamy cappuccino, light lunches, and delicious pastries. Mazzo Mazzo is an underground nightclub in the Nanjing area.

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You prepare a table before me in the presence of my enemies; You have anointed my head with oil; My cup overflows. There was considerable destruction to areas outside the city walls.

Soldiers pillaged from the poor and the wealthy alike. The lack of resistance from Chinese troops and civilians in Nanjing meant that the Japanese soldiers were free to divide up the city's valuables as they saw fit.

This resulted in the widespread looting and burglary. The following is an excerpt:. In other words, on the 13th when your troops entered the city, we had nearly all the civilian population gathered in a Zone in which there had been very little destruction by stray shells and no looting by Chinese soldiers even in full retreat.

All we are asking in our protest is that you restore order among your troops and get the normal city life going as soon as possible. In the latter process we are glad to cooperate in any way we can.

But even last night between 8 and 9 p. The Japanese troops did respect the Zone to an extent; until the Japanese occupation, no shells entered that part of the city except a few stray shots.

During the chaos following the attack of the city, some were killed in the Safety Zone, but the crimes that occurred in the rest of the city were far greater by all accounts.

Rabe wrote that, from time to time, the Japanese would enter the Safety Zone at will, carry off a few hundred men and women, and either summarily execute them or rape and then kill them.

By February 5, , the International Committee had forwarded to the Japanese embassy a total of cases of murder, rape, and general disorder by Japanese soldiers that had been reported after the American, British and German diplomats had returned to their embassies: [86].

It is said that Rabe rescued between , and , Chinese people. Jonathan Spence writes: [89]. The Japanese soldiers, who had expected easy victory, instead had been fighting hard for months and had taken infinitely higher casualties than anticipated.

They were bored, angry, frustrated, tired. The Chinese women were undefended, their menfolk powerless or absent. The war, still undeclared, had no clear-cut goal or purpose.

Perhaps all Chinese, regardless of sex or age, seemed marked out as victims. A picture of a dead child.

Probably taken by Bernhard Sindberg. Prisoners being buried alive [90]. On December 18, , as General Iwane Matsui began to comprehend the full extent of the rape, murder, and looting in the city, he grew increasingly dismayed.

He reportedly told one of his civilian aides:. I now realize that we have unknowingly wrought a most grievous effect on this city.

When I think of the feelings and sentiments of many of my Chinese friends who have fled from Nanjing and of the future of the two countries, I cannot but feel depressed.

I am very lonely and can never get in a mood to rejoice about this victory. Now, in the winter, the season gives time to reflect.

I offer my sympathy, with deep emotion, to a million innocent people. On New Year's Day, over a toast he confided to a Japanese diplomat: "My men have done something very wrong and extremely regrettable.

In late January , the Japanese army forced all refugees in the Safety Zone to return home, immediately claiming to have "restored order".

After the establishment of the weixin zhengfu the collaborating government in , order was gradually restored in Nanjing and atrocities by Japanese troops lessened considerably.

The last refugee camps were closed in May Matsui returned to retirement, but Prince Asaka remained on the Supreme War Council until the end of the war in August He was promoted to the rank of general in August , though he held no further military commands.

Estimates of the number of victims vary based on the definitions of the geographical range and the duration of the event. The extent of the atrocities is debated, [68] with numbers ranging from some Japanese claims of several hundred, [69] to the Chinese claim of a non-combatant death toll of , Hiroshi Yoshida concludes "more than ," in his book.

Mainstream scholars consider figures from 40, to over , to be an accurate estimate. According to the International Military Tribunal for the Far East , estimates made at a later date indicate that the total number of civilians and prisoners of war murdered in Nanjing and its vicinity during the first six weeks of the Japanese occupation was up to , These estimates are borne out by the figures of burial societies and other organizations, which testify to over , buried bodies.

These figures also do not take into account those persons whose bodies were destroyed by burning, drowning or other means, or whose bodies were interred in mass graves.

According to the verdict of the Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal on 10 March , there are "more than , mass slaughtered civilians and Chinese soldiers killed by machine gun by the Japanese army, whose corpses have been burned to destroy proof.

Besides, we count more than , victims of barbarian acts buried by the charity organizations. We thus have a total of more than , victims.

Some researchers estimate that between 40, and 60, people were killed, which corresponds to the figures from three sources; one is the Red Army's official journal of the time, Hangdibao and another is that of Miner Searle Bates of the International Safety Zone Committee, and the third is the aforementioned figure written by John Rabe in a letter.

Moreover, many troops of captured Chinese soldiers were led out of the city and down to the Yangtze, where they were summarily executed.

But, as noted, no one actually counted the dead. The casualty count of , was first promulgated in January by Harold Timperley , a journalist in China during the Japanese invasion, based on reports from contemporary eyewitnesses.

In December , newly declassified U. According to the archives research "The telegrams sent by the U. In the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee meeting, scholars from the Japanese side set the maximum possible number of civilian victims at ,, with estimates of around 40, or 20, The Chinese scholars of the committee maintained that at least , were killed.

The most conservative viewpoint is that the geographical area of the incident should be limited to the few km 2 of the city known as the Safety Zone, where the civilians gathered after the invasion.

Many Japanese historians have insisted that during the Japanese invasion there were only ,—, citizens in Nanjing as reported by John Rabe, to argue that the PRC's estimate of , deaths is an exaggeration.

Many historians include a much larger area around the city. The duration of the incident is naturally defined by its geography: the earlier the Japanese entered the area, the longer the duration.

The Battle of Nanking ended on December 13, when the divisions of the Japanese Army entered the walled city of Nanjing. The Tokyo War Crime Tribunal defined the period of the massacre to the ensuing six weeks.

More conservative estimates say that the massacre started on December 14, when the troops entered the Safety Zone, and that it lasted for six weeks.

Historians who define the Nanjing Massacre as having started from the time that the Japanese Army entered Jiangsu province push the beginning of the massacre to around mid-November to early December Suzhou fell on November 19 , and stretch the end of the massacre to late March To many Japanese scholars, post-war estimations were distorted by " victor's justice ", when Japan was condemned as the sole aggressor.

They believed the , toll typified a "Chinese-style exaggeration" with disregard for evidence. Yet, in China, this figure has come to symbolize the justice, legality, and authority of the post-war trials condemning Japan as the aggressor.

Japanese historians, depending on their definition of the geographical and time duration of the killings, give wide-ranging estimates for the number of massacred civilians, from several thousand to upwards of , Chinese language newspapers tend to claim that the massacred civilians and unarmed soldiers may be as high as , Japanese sources assert that there was a population of only , in Nanjing, thus making the , death toll impossible.

In , Zhang Lianhong, professor of Nanjing Massacre Research Center in Nanjing Normal University, published an article in the Beijing Daily in which he used historical facts to show that the population of Nanjing urban area was between , and ,, and the overall Nanjing population was between , and ,, to refute the assertion of a population of , Shortly after the surrender of Japan, the primary officers in charge of the Japanese troops at Nanjing were put on trial.

General Matsui was indicted before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East for "deliberately and recklessly" ignoring his legal duty "to take adequate steps to secure the observance and prevent breaches" of the Hague Convention.

Other Japanese military leaders in charge at the time of the Nanjing Massacre were not tried. Prince Kan'in Kotohito , chief of staff of the Imperial Japanese Army during the massacre, had died before the end of the war in May Prince Asaka was granted immunity because of his status as a member of the imperial family.

General Iwane Matsui []. General Hisao Tani []. On May 1, , SCAP officials interrogated Prince Asaka , who was the ranking officer in the city at the height of the atrocities, about his involvement in the Nanjing Massacre and the deposition was submitted to the International Prosecution Section of the Tokyo tribunal.

Asaka denied the existence of any massacre and claimed never to have received complaints about the conduct of his troops.

The prosecution began the Nanjing phase of its case in July Robert O. Wilson , a surgeon and a member of the International Committee for the Nanjing Safety Zone, took the witness stand first.

George A. Fitch , Lewis S. Smythe , and James McCallum filed affidavits with their diaries and letters.

Another piece of evidence that was submitted to the tribunal was Harold Timperley's telegram regarding the Nanjing Massacre which had been intercepted and decoded by the Americans on January 17, The entry for the same day in Matsui's diary read, "I could only feel sadness and responsibility today, which has been overwhelmingly piercing my heart.

This is caused by the Army's misbehaviors after the fall of Nanjing and failure to proceed with the autonomous government and other political plans.

Matsui asserted that he had never ordered the execution of Chinese POWs. He further argued that he had directed his army division commanders to discipline their troops for criminal acts, and was not responsible for their failure to carry out his directives.

At trial, Matsui went out of his way to protect Prince Asaka by shifting blame to lower ranking division commanders.

Matsui was convicted by a majority of the judges at the Tokyo tribunal who ruled that he bore ultimate responsibility for the "orgy of crime" at Nanjing because, "He did nothing, or nothing effective, to abate these horrors.

Organized and wholesale murder of male civilians was conducted with the apparent sanction of the commanders on the pretext that Chinese soldiers had removed their uniforms and were mingling with the population.

Groups of Chinese civilians were formed, bound with their hands behind their backs, and marched outside the walls of the city where they were killed in groups by machine gun fire and with bayonets.

On November 12, , Matsui and Hirota, along with five other convicted Class-A war criminals, were sentenced to death by hanging. Eighteen others received lesser sentences.

The death sentence imposed on Hirota, a six-to-five decision by the eleven judges, shocked the general public and prompted a petition on his behalf, which soon gathered over , signatures but did not succeed in commuting the Minister's sentence.

China and Japan have both acknowledged the occurrence of wartime atrocities. Before the s , China did relatively little to draw attention to the Nanjing massacre.

In her book Rape of Nanking, Iris Chang asserted that the politics of the Cold War encouraged Chairman Mao to stay relatively silent about Nanjing in order to keep a trade relationship with Japan.

The debate concerning the massacre took place mainly in the s. During this time, the Chinese government's statements about the event were attacked by the Japanese because they were said to rely too heavily on personal testimonies and anecdotal evidence.

Aspersions were cast regarding the authenticity and accuracy of burial records and photographs presented in the Tokyo War Crime Court, which the Japanese government claimed were fabrications by the Chinese government, artificially manipulated or incorrectly attributed to the Nanjing Massacre.

In response, Shichihei Yamamoto [] and Akira Suzuki [] wrote two controversial yet influential articles [ clarification needed ] which sparked the Japanese Negationist movement.

In , in an attempt to refute the allegations of war crimes in Nanjing, the Japanese Army Veterans Association Kaikosha interviewed former Japanese soldiers who had served in the Nanjing area from to Instead of refuting the allegations, the interviewed veterans confirmed that a massacre had taken place and openly described and admitted to taking part in the atrocities.

The results of the survey were published in the association's magazine, Kaiko , in along with an admission and apology that read, "Whatever the severity of war or special circumstances of war psychology, we just lose words faced with this mass illegal killing.

As those who are related to the prewar military, we simply apologize deeply to the people of China. It was truly a regrettable act of barbarity.

On August 15, , the fiftieth anniversary of the Surrender of Japan , the Japanese prime minister Tomiichi Murayama gave the first formal apology for Japanese actions during the war.

He offered his apology to all survivors and to the relatives and friends of the victims. That day, the prime minister and the Japanese Emperor Akihito pronounced statements of mourning at Tokyo's Nippon Budokan.

Iris Chang , author of The Rape of Nanking , criticized Murayama for not providing the written apology that had been expected. She said that the people of China "don't believe that an On June 19, , a group of around Liberal Democratic Party LDP lawmakers again denounced the Nanjing Massacre as a fabrication, arguing that there was no evidence to prove the allegations of mass killings by Japanese soldiers.

They accused Beijing of using the alleged incident as a "political advertisement". On February 20, , Takashi Kawamura , mayor of Nagoya , told a visiting delegation from Nanjing that the massacre "probably never happened".

Two days later he defended his remarks, saying, "Even since I was a national Diet representative, I have said [repeatedly] there was no [Nanjing] massacre that resulted in murders of several hundred thousands of people.

On February 24, , Tokyo governor Shintaro Ishihara said that he also believes that the Nanjing massacre never happened.

He reportedly claims it would have been impossible to kill so many people in such a short period of time. On February 3, , Naoki Hyakuta , a member of the board of governors of Japan's public broadcasting company, NHK , was quoted as saying the massacre never occurred.

The memory of the Nanjing Massacre has been a point of contention in Sino-Japanese relations since the early s.

Despite this, many Chinese people still have a strong sense of mistrust and animosity toward Japan that originates from the memory of Japanese war crimes such as the Nanjing Massacre.

This sense of mistrust is strengthened by the belief that Japan is unwilling to admit to and apologize for the atrocities. Takashi Yoshida described how changing political concerns and perceptions of the "national interest" in Japan, China, and the U.

Yoshida contended that over time the event has acquired different meanings to different people. People from mainland China saw themselves as the victims.

For Japan, it was a question they needed to answer, but were reluctant to do so because they too identified themselves as victims after the A-bombs.

The U. Yoshida has argued that the Nanjing Massacre has figured in the attempts of all three nations as they work to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

Many Japanese prime ministers have visited the Yasukuni Shrine , a shrine for Japanese war deaths up until the end of the Second World War, which includes war criminals that were involved in the Nanjing Massacre.

In the museum adjacent to the shrine, a panel informs visitors that there was no massacre in Nanjing, but that Chinese soldiers in plain clothes were "dealt with severely".

In former Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi made a pilgrimage to the shrine despite warnings from China and South Korea. His decision to visit the shrine regardless sparked international outrage.

Although Koizumi denied that he was trying to glorify war or historical Japanese militarism , the Chinese Foreign Ministry accused Koizumi of "wrecking the political foundations of China-Japan relations".

An official from South Korea said they would summon the Tokyo ambassador to protest. Yoshida asserts that "Nanjing has figured in the attempts of all three nations [China, Japan and the United States] to preserve and redefine national and ethnic pride and identity, assuming different kinds of significance based on each country's changing internal and external enemies.

In Japan, the Nanjing Massacre touches upon national identity and notions of "pride, honor and shame". Yoshida argues that "Nanking crystallizes a much larger conflict over what should constitute the ideal perception of the nation: Japan, as a nation, acknowledges its past and apologizes for its wartime wrongdoings; or The government of Japan believes it can not be denied that the killing of a large number of noncombatants, looting and other acts by the Japanese army occurred.

However, the actual number of victims is hard to determine, according to government of Japan. According to a brief reference to Nanjing at the Yasukuni museum in Tokyo, the Japanese general in charge gave his men maps showing foreign settlements and a civilian "safety zone", and ordered them to maintain strict military discipline.

The visitor is left to assume they did. The museum notes only that "Chinese soldiers disguised in civilian clothes, which numbered around [49] were severely prosecuted".

This nationalist view does not, however, represent a widely shared understanding of what happened at Nanjing, as illustrated by Japanese textbooks' rather different treatment of the atrocity.

While the books' take on Nanjing is stilted and feels like the product of a committee, in various versions they acknowledge the deaths of thousands of Chinese including women and children, as well as looting, arson and assaults by Japanese soldiers.

They do not mention sexual assaults. In regard to the number of victims of this Nanjing Massacre Another history textbook prepared by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, which had been approved by the government in , attempts to whitewash Japan's war record during the s and early s.

It referred to the Nanjing massacre as an "incident", and glossed over the issue of comfort women. The Nanjing massacre has emerged as one fundamental keystone in the construction of the modern Chinese national identity.

Dockworkers in Australia were horrified at the massacre, and refused to load pig iron onto ships heading for Japan, leading to the Dalfram Dispute of According to Xinhua News Agency , it is the most complete record to date.

It also lists the Japanese army units that were responsible for each of the deaths and states the way in which the victims were killed.

Zhang Xianwen, editor-in-chief of the report, states that the information collected was based on "a combination of Chinese, Japanese and Western raw materials, which is objective and just and is able to stand the trial of history".

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Nanking Massacre. For the Nankin Jiken, see Nanking incident of Episode of mass murder and mass rape committed by Japanese troops against the residents of Nanjing.

Nanjing , China. Culture Economy Education Geography Politics. This section relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page.

Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. Main article: Nanking Safety Zone. Main article: Battle of Nanking.

Main article: Contest to kill people using a sword. Skeletons of the massacre's victims. Main article: Death toll of the Nanjing Massacre.

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